Showing posts with label ambassador. Show all posts
Showing posts with label ambassador. Show all posts

Post-2014 Afghanistan: Back to the Future?

New Delhi
28 July 2013


Hamid Karzai, president
of Afghanistan
As Afghanistan prepares for life beyond 2014 its capital Kabul is seeing a steady stream of visitors from far and near, all seeking to reassure and to be reassured themselves that peace and stability will return to the landlocked country torn apart by conflict for the last 33 years. Australian Prime Minister Kevin Rudd paid a surprise visit to Afghanistan on July 27; his country has about 1,500 troops there but the bulk will be pulled out by the end of this year. Security and Foreign Affairs Adviser Sartaj Aziz of Pakistan and British premier David Cameron were there, too, as was the US’s Af-Pak envoy James Dobbins. An Indian delegation comprising officials from the ministries of external affairs and defence travelled to Kabul in the second week of July to follow up on Afghan President Hamid Karzai’s visit to New Delhi in the month of May with a wish list of items he would like the Indian government to share with the Afghan national army and allied security forces as the US completes pulling out its troops by the end of next year.


What should have been a moment of quiet satisfaction, reflective of the enormous goodwill India enjoys among the Afghan people and government alike for funding development projects worth billions of dollars, has turned into an embarrassment of sorts as President Karzai’s wish list has exposed the limits to what India can, and is willing to, do to shore up a post-2014 Afghanistan. It was quick to waitlist Karzai’s inventory of lethal materiel rpt materiel on the ground that there are many moving parts to the Afghan conundrum, namely Pakistan’s attitude towards Afghanistan and India, the Taliban’s own game plan, the moves for a possible reconciliation with the Taliban (as evidenced by the opening of a Taliban office in Qatar) and the extent of Pakistan’s role in it, the ethnic configuration of Afghanistan in the immediate future and last but not the least the eventual successor to Mr Karzai following the elections.

Notwithstanding New Delhi’s contention that while it is there for the long haul it would not want to “become part of the problem”, Kabul maintains that the Afghan national security forces must be equipped with the 
A map of Afghanistan (for
illustrative purposes only)
necessary capabilities – including capacity for logistics and equipment maintenance as well as adequate ground and air firepower – to execute independent operations against conventional and unconventional enemies. India and Afghanistan signed a strategic partnership agreement in October 2011, which dwelled on security, trade, capacity-building and people-to-people contacts. Specifically, India agreed "to assist, as mutually determined, in the training, equipping and capacity building programmes for Afghan National Security Forces". Therefore, Kabul’s desire to source hardware with Indian assistance should be viewed in that context. But if the Afghans were disappointed by New Delhi’s circumspection, they did not show it. As Afghan ambassador to India Shaida Abdali put it, “In the post 2014 period, we look forward to working with India .... At the same time, we renew our call on the international community to stay the course in Afghanistan.”


So could Afghanistan descend into chaos after 2014? While jury is still out on that, serving and former Afghan officials are of the considered view that the road to peace in Kabul goes through Islamabad. An Afghan diplomatic source insists that the Taliban leadership continues to receive protection from the Pakistani military and intelligence establishments. Afghan army chief General Sher Mohammad Karimi believes that Pakistan could end the Afghan war "in weeks" because “the Taliban are under their control". A former Afghan intelligence chief, Amrullah Saleh, in turn, says that some of the Western powers are in such a hurry to cut and run from Afghanistan that they are eager to differentiate between the threats posed by the Taliban and the Al-Qaeda and to downplay the dangers posed by a return of the Taliban (similar to how the chaos after the erstwhile USSR’s withdrawal from Afghanistan gave rise to the Taliban.) Ironically, this view is in contrast to New Delhi’s which has of late adopted a nuanced position on the issue of reconciliation with the Taliban; at a recent Asean meeting in Brunei External Affairs Minister Salman Khurshid said India supported Kabul’s efforts to establish a dialogue with all armed opposition groups, “including the Taliban”. For now, Abdali is confident that his country will not go the Iraq way from where the US troops withdrew in December 2011 but which continues to be riven by civil strife, or, resemble the days of the Taliban rule between 1996 and 2001. “Let me assure you against the 2014 myth of Afghanistan falling apart after the withdrawal of NATO forces from our country,” says Abdali. Watch this space!

INDIA WAITLISTS KARZAI'S WISH LIST !

Karzai, Singh discuss roadmap for 2014 and beyond

President Hamid Karzai of Afghanistan shakes hands with Prime Minister Manmohan Singh in New Delhi on Tuesday (Picture courtesy: Prime Minister's Office)

New Delhi
21 May 2013

The situation that will obtain in Afghanistan after the presidential elections in April 2014 and the subsequent withdrawal of international troops from the country before that year ends, not to mention the protection of Indian interests and investments made in the war-ravaged, landlocked country over the years, would have weighed on Prime Minister Manmohan Singh’s mind as he hosted President Hamid Karzai for talks in New Delhi on Tuesday. That, when taken together with President Karzai’s stated desire to broaden and deepen security ties with India, including, but not limited to, the supply of weapons and other military hardware for the Afghan forces, set this round of talks apart from previous ones. Afghan ambassador to India Shaida Abdali prefaced the Karzai-Singh meeting by asserting that “we would like to go beyond the current trend of co-operation between the two countries in the defence sector. So, we would like to have both lethal and non-lethal assistance to our defence forces in Afghanistan.”

Kabul maintains that the Afghan national security forces must be equipped with the necessary capabilities – including capacity for logistics and equipment maintenance as well as adequate ground and air firepower – to execute independent operations against conventional and unconventional enemies. India and Afghanistan signed a strategic partnership agreement in October 2011, which dwelled on security, trade, capacity-building and people-to-people contacts. Specifically, India agreed "to assist, as mutually determined, in the training, equipping and capacity building programmes for Afghan National Security Forces". Therefore, Kabul’s desire to source hardware with Indian assistance must be viewed in that context.

According to Ashraf Haidari, deputy chief of mission of the Afghan embassy in India who has served as Afghanistan’s deputy assistant national security adviser and deputy chief of mission of the Afghan embassy in the US, “the Taliban leadership continues to receive protection from the Pakistani military and intelligence establishments.” He buttressed his argument by pointing out that “without an external sanctuary, sustainable funding, weapons supplies, and intelligence support in Pakistan, the Taliban would be unable to reconsolidate its control over Afghanistan. Since 2003, the Taliban and its affiliated networks have gradually expanded their influence in the ungoverned southern and eastern parts of Afghanistan, launching daily terrorist attacks that have injured and killed thousands of innocent civilians.”

While India was expected to lend a sympathetic ear to President Karzai, how soon and to what extent will it be able to satisfy Afghanistan on this count will be a function of India's own assessment of the unfolding situation situation in the Af-Pak region. Adding to New Delhi’s anxieties is that there are many moving parts to the Afghan conundrum, namely Pakistan’s attitude towards Afghanistan and India, the Taliban’s own gameplan, the moves for a possible reconciliation with the Taliban and the extent of Pakistan’s role in it, the possibility of a greater Chinese involvement subsequent to the US pullout, the ethnic configuration of Afghanistan in the immediate future and last but not the least the eventual successor to Mr Karzai following the presidential elections to be held in April 2014. That may explain India’s circumspection, as evidenced by the Ministry of External Affairs spokesperson’s remarks that while Afghanistan is a “strategically important” neighbour, India will “continue to discuss and respond to specific requests of the Afghan government ... within our own modest means as a developing country”.

President Hamid Karzai of Afghanistan holds talks with
President Pranab Mukherjee (Courtesy: Government of India)
The Prime Minister’s Office (PMO) and the Ministry of External Affairs (MEA) were not forthcoming with details on the Karzai-Singh talks. It was left to Rashtrapati Bhavan to articulate India’s views which it did by putting out a press statement quoting President Pranab Mukherjee as telling his Afghan counterpart that India was prepared to increase bilateral contribution to Afghanistan’s institution-building, training and equipment “to the extent [it] can” and that India would stand by Afghanistan during its critical period of transition. Earlier in the day, External Affairs Minister Salman Khurshid told journalists that India was already assisting Afghanistan with doing capacity-building, non-lethal military hardware, communication and transport equipment. “He (Karzai) may have a wish list and with which he may go to our Prime Minister but these are ongoing... which will all be discussed within the parameters of what our capacity is, what our philosophy is, we would help them as a friend,” Khurshid elaborated.

From President Karzai’s perspective there are three other issues that continue to engage his government’s attention. One is the tensions with Pakistan on the Durand Line, which has been cited by Karzai’s spokesman Aimal Faizi on more than one occasion. The second is the recognition that Afghanistan is vulnerable to transnational security threats, stemming in particular from the narcotics trade and terrorism. The third issue, which is of a more immediate concern to his government, is the lack of coordination among international donors or partners. Although the diversity of nations present in Afghanistan demonstrates international goodwill and consensus for supporting the country, Kabul feels each contributing nation has pursued its own aid strategies, effectively bypassing coordination with each other and the Afghan government. Hence, a lack of strategic coordination across international military and civilian efforts to ensure aid effectiveness has so far crippled the Afghan state and left it with no capacity or resources to deliver basic services to its people.

For landlocked Afghanistan, access to a sea port is particularly vital. This specific need can be met to a certain extent by India’s collaboration with Iran for developing the Chabahar port and linking it to Afghanistan by a network of roads. At the same time, Kabul is acutely aware that its location should help it serve as a regional trade and transit hub for easy movement of goods and natural resources to meet the rising energy demands of India and China. Incidentally, Afghanistan was discussed at some length by Chinese Premier Li Keqiang and Prime Minister Manmohan Singh when they met on Monday. India has also been discussing Afghanistan with a host of other countries in the region and beyond, notably Iran, Russia and the US, besides international fora.

It was President Karzai’s 12th visit to India, and the second in the last six months. He paid a courtesy call on President Pranab Mukherjee and addressed industry representatives, too. In his address to the captains of Indian industry, President Karzai called for Indian investments in healthcare, agriculture and telecommunications in Afghanistan. He pointed out that agriculture was a priority sector for Afghanistan as it accounts for 36 per cent of its GDP and supports 85 per cent of the Afghan population. Afghan Foreign Minister Zalmai Rassoul, Afghanistan ambassador to India Shaida Abdali, Indian Ambassador to Afghanistan Gautam Mukhopadhaya and other senior officials were present on the occasion.

Video of President Hamid Karzai of Afghanistan's meeting with Prime Minister Manmohan Singh in New Delhi on Tuesday (Courtesy: Prime Minister's Office)

India backs Rabbani on Taliban talks; will discuss issue with Clinton next week

External affairs minister SM Krishna of India shaking hands with Prof Burhanuddin Rabbani, chairman of the Afghanistan high peace council, in New Delhi on Thursday

New Delhi
14 July 2011

Burhanuddin Rabbani, who heads a panel which has the Afghanistan government's mandate to negotiate peace with the Taliban, would not mind using the good offices of India for finding a political solution to the strife in his country.

India is an important country in the region and we want its cooperation in peace and reconciliation in Afghanistan, Mr Rabbani said on the occasion of his talks with external affairs minister SM Krishna in New Delhi on Thursday.

Mr Rabbani is on a four-day visit to India.

Afghans should not be victims in the hands of others to be used against the Afghan people themselves, Mr Rabbani said without elaborating. He noted that regional countries had a role in promoting peace in Afghanistan.

India was expected to discuss the situation in Afghanistan with US secretary of state Hillary Clinton when she visits New Delhi next week.

Talking to journalists, US charge d'affaires Peter Burleigh said Afghanistan could figure "prominently" in the Clinton-Krishna talks, in which the relations between and among the US, India and Pakistan would be "thoroughly covered".

Burleigh described the Taliban reconciliation talks as a "very important issue" for the US and India alike.

The US was keeping India informed of the substance of the "very preliminary discussions" that have taken place with the Taliban interlocutors.

The diplomat went on to note that the negotiations for "reaching an understanding" with "some Taliban elements" were making "slow process", and the talks could be expected to "continue for months".

"[The US is] continuing to explore [and it] will keep India directly informed and also seek advice," Mr Burleigh said.

The situation in west Asia, north Africa, and east- and south-east Asia, was also likely to be discussed in the second strategic dialogue between Clinton and Krishna on July 19.

Replying to a question about the possible implications of the US losing out on a multi-billion tender for fighter jets for the Indian Air Force, on the defence cooperation with India, Mr Burleigh said "one contract here and there [does not] make or break [the] relationship" and that the US was in it for the long-term.


'India has tried to deal with the BNP and Begum Khaleda Zia of Bangladesh in the past but it takes two to tango'

India’s obsession with Pakistan is hurting its ties with Bangladesh and other neighbours, says Deb Mukharji, a former Indian high commissioner to Bangladesh, in an interview to Ramesh Ramachandran.

Click on the following ink for reading the full text of the interview: http://interviews-by-ramesh-ramachandran.blogspot.com .

Krishna holds talks with Netherlands FM, statement silent on new NSG guidelines

New Delhi
5 July 2011

A statement issued after external affairs minister SM Krishna's talks with his Dutch counterpart Uri Rosenthal in New Delhi on Tuesday was silent on the new Nuclear Suppliers Group (NSG) guidelines limiting the sale of sensitive enrichment and reprocessing (ENR) technologies to NPT signatories only. However, the issue was understood to have been discussed in the meeting, coming as it did less than a fortnight after the NSG plenary at Noordwijk in the Netherlands, which concluded on June 24.

The Netherlands is currently the chair of the 46-member NSG.

India has not signed the NPT, and, therefore, it views the revised guidelines as impinging on the clean waiver it got from the NSG in September 2008. The guidelines have not been published in open text as yet, but the Dutch minister's visit here would have served India to fully discuss them and draw appropriate conclusions from it. The sentiment in the NSG on India's quest for the membership of the group, and the sale of two new reactors by China to Pakistan, were understood to have been discussed, too. In May, foreign secretary Nirupama Rao had met with the NSG Troika, comprising the Netherlands, New Zealand and Hungary, in The Hague.

The situation in Afghanistan and Pakistan, West Asia, North Africa, and UN reforms figured in their discussions, too. The Dutch minister had visited Afghanistan before arriving in New Delhi. The Netherlands was the first NATO ally to withdraw its combat troops from Afghanistan in August 2010, but it was helping in training the Afghan security forces, which India was doing, too.

Meanwhile, France reiterated its commitment to full civil nuclear cooperation with India in all aspects, including, but not limited to, nuclear fuel cycle and nuclear fuel. In his second statement in five days, France's ambassador to India Jerome Bonnafont said, " ... nothing in the existing and future guidelines shall be interpreted as detracting from
that exemption or reducing the ambition of our bilateral cooperation."

He qualified it by saying that the scope of bilateral civil nuclear cooperation would be consistent with France's national policies and international obligations, including the NPT. The reiteration by France follows foreign secretary Nirupama Rao's interview to an Indian television channel in which she hinted that India could choose not to buy nuclear reactors from countries that would not sell ENR technologies to it.

After US and Russia, France reassures India on clean NSG waiver

New Delhi
1 July 2011

After the United States and Russia, France has iterated its commitment to full civil
nuclear cooperation with India.

The French government has said that the Nuclear Suppliers Group's (NSG's) recent
decision, to bar transfer of sensitive enrichment and reprocessing technologies to non-
NPT signatories, does not undermine the waiver granted to India in September 2008.

"The decision taken by the NSG is not a measure targeting any particular State. This
decision is the fruit of prolonged discussions initiated in 2004. Coming after the decision
of exemption from the full-scope safeguards clause, adopted in favour of India in
September 2008, it does not undermine the principles of this exemption," Jerome
Bonnafont, the French ambassador to India, said.

In a statement, the envoy also said, "France confirms that this NSG decision in no way
undermines the parameters of our bilateral cooperation, and is committed to the full
implementation of our cooperation agreement on the development of peaceful uses of
nuclear energy signed on September 30, 2008."

Bonnafont emphasised that France was strongly committed to the development of an innovative, broad-based and dynamic civilian nuclear cooperation with India.

The NSG held its plenary at Noordwijk in the Netherlands in June.

Further, Bonnafont said President Nicolas Sarkozy of France announced his support for India's membership of four multilateral export control regimes during his visit to India in December 2010, and
France iterated its "full and complete support" to India's membership of the NSG in
its meeting which concluded on June 24.

In September 2008, France became the first country to sign a bilateral civilian nuclear
accord with India after the NSG granted a landmark waiver to New Delhi, reopening
global civilian nuclear commerce after a gap of 34 years. The French envoy's assurance
on his country's commitment to full civilian nuclear cooperation came a day after
outgoing US ambassador Timothy Roemer stressed that Washington was firmly
committed to NSG's clean waiver to India.

With eye on China, India to host trilateral talks with Japan, US this year; Japan does not fancy the Quadrilateral with Australia


New Delhi
29 June 2011

For Japan, three is not a crowd. Four maybe. While it agrees that a more robust Asian security architecture will be required if China's opaque military modernisation continues, for now it will be content with trilateral or three-waysecurity dialogues involving India, Australia and the United States, without giving it the shape of a Quadrilateral or resurrecting notions of containing China. Currently, Japan has trilateral dialogues with the US and India; with the US and Australia; and with China and South Korea. India is the third country, after the US and Australia, with which Japan has the two-plus-two talks involving foreign and defence ministers. New Delhi is expected to host the inaugural India-US-Japan trilateral dialogue later this year. It will be conducted by officials, and not by foreign ministers as was mentioned in the April 8 press release issued by the ministry of external affairs after foreign secretary Nirupama Rao's talks in Tokyo. Besides discussing anti-piracy cooperation and maritime security, the talks could progressively extend to cover security and defence cooperation.

China's military rise has caused concerns in the region and beyond. Without naming China, Australian defence minister Stephen Smith recently said, "All we ask in terms of a growth of military capacity is that one is transparent as to its strategic intentions". That view is shared by Tokyo. "We keep asking the Chinese what is your intention
[but] unfortunately we have not received a convincing explanation," AKITAKA SAIKI, Japan'snew ambassador to India, said Wednesday in an interaction at the Observer ResearchFoundation here. "While Japan has no intention to undermine good neighbourly relations with China, I hope China will be a little more sensitive to concerns expressed by its neighbours. Actions need to match words, that's my view," he observed. Mr Saiki cautioned that the future trajectory of trilateral talks would depend on Beijing's attitude.

The current Japanese sentiment stands in contrast to the churning in Australia, which has instituted a Defence Force Posture Review for addressing issues such as "the growth of military power projection capabilities of countries in the Asia Pacific" -- an indirect reference to China's reach and influence. In a recent interaction with this newspaper, Michael Auslin from the US-based American Enterprise Institute, a conservative think tank, said that Australia, not post-tsunami Japan, could be the lead partner in the Quadrilateral. Dr John Lee from the Sydney-based Centre for Independent Studies, in turn, cited the increasing possibility of Australia lifting the ban on uranium sale to India to suggest that the perception of Australia drifting towards China was not true.

The Quadrilateral was an initiative of Shinzo Abe, who was the Japanese premier from September 2006 to September 2007. On September 4, 2007, the navies of India, Japan, the US, Australia and Singapore conducted joint naval exercises in the Bay of Bengal. However, later that year, Australia's then newly elected prime minister and currentforeign minister Kevin Rudd unilaterally withdrew from the Quadrilateral Initiative. The strategic pact has remained stillborn ever since. It suffered another setback after Abe's Liberal Democratic Party lost power to the Democratic Party in 2009. India did not show any particular interest, either. Prime Minister Manmohan Singh said in Beijing inJanuary 2008 that India was "not part of any so-called 'contain China' effort".

Peter Burleigh returns as interim US ambassador to India

New Delhi
13 June 2011

Albert Peter Burleigh is expected to succeed Tim Roemer as the interim ambassador of the United States to India.

Burleigh (69) is no stranger to India, having temporarily served as charge d'affaires at the US embassy in New Delhi from April to July 2009, after David Mulford completed his tenure as ambassador here and before Tim Roemer took up his current position.

Roemer resigned on April 28, citing personal, professional and family considerations. He is expected to leave India by the end of June.

Burleigh is expected to arrive in New Delhi in the last week of this month and assume temporary charge till the US Government has nominated him or another individual as the US ambassador to India in succession to Roemer and the US Senate has confirmed the nomination.

Burleigh served as the US deputy representative to the United Nations from August 1997 to December 1999. Immediately prior to that, he served as the US ambassador to Sri Lanka and Maldives between 1995 and 1997.

Born on 7 March 1942, Burleigh joined the US foreign service in 1967, after spending a year as a Fulbright scholar in Nepal. He served in the Peace Corps in Nepal between 1963 and 1965, doing community development work in that country.

In his long career Burleigh served in the US embassies in Nepal and India, too.

Burleigh is a consultant for the National Intelligence Council (NIC) in Washington. Since 2006, he has been a consultant to the Carter Centre in Atlanta. In March 2007 he became a director of the Kathmandu Valley Preservation Trust. He is fluent in Bengali, Hindi, Nepali, and Sinhalese.

'26/11 was the low point of my stay in India'

The battle against terrorism will require concerted international action of all likeminded
countries as it is a battle that we cannot afford to lose, says MARK SOFER, Israel's
outgoing ambassador in New Delhi, as he prepares to leave India soon after spending
four years here. In an interview to RAMESH RAMACHANDRAN, he talks of how the
"dynamic" relationship between the two countries "is now going places". Excerpts:

Q: How would you describe the Israel-India relations today, and what are some of the
high and low points of your tenure?

A: It is a relationship in motion, which started before I came of course, but clearly, it has
an enormous dynamic of its own. If you look at the basic facts and figures, the bilateral
civilian trade has reached $5 billion. We are working on a Free Trade Agreement (FTA).
Next year will be the 20th anniversary of the establishment of India-Israel relations, and,
hopefully around that time we will be able to conclude the (FTA) negotiations. Some
experts estimate that bilateral civilian trade will triple in the next three or four years, so
we are talking $15 billion worth of civilian trade. And the trade is finely balanced in terms
of imports and exports, and it will include such things as investment, services, and
goods. In agriculture, a centre of excellence is already up and running in Karnal,
Haryana; a second centre will open in Sirsa, also in Haryana; and a third probably will
be in Nagpur in Maharashtra. We are also looking at Tamil Nadu. I mean - the sky is
the limit. And, now we are embarking on a new negotiation process for an MoU
(memorandum of understanding) in dairy farming, etc.

So, basically, in every field of human endeavour, this relationship is in a dynamic mode.
It didn’t start with me and it won’t end with me; I am just in the middle of it. So this is a
relationship that is going places. One of the real high points in my four years here has
been the opening of the agricultural centre in Haryana. A vast population of India is
dependent on farming. At the end of the day, embassies and countries interact to better
the lives of their peoples, and if we can cooperate on the main issue which faces the
Indian economy and social world, which is agriculture of course, this gives me the
greatest pleasure. There is nothing more inspiring or heart-warming than seeing farmers
from far and wide coming to look at Israeli technologies and incorporating them into their
own smallholdings. We all like to deal with geostrategic issues, but, sometimes, it is
these things, the nitty-gritty, that make a term of duty the beauty that it is.

If you ask me, it has been the most wonderful four years of my life working with the
Indian government and people on not just issues related to West Asia but related to the
welfare of people, such as water, alternative energy, agriculture, technology and
industry. I think that there is no doubt in my mind that the low point of my stay here was
the Mumbai attacks; of that there is no doubt. Our prayers are with the families of those
Indians that were killed, but the Jewish people also were specifically targeted in that
atrocity.


Q: How will the killing of Osama bin Laden affect the war on terrorism in general, and the
situation in West Asia in particular?

A: The world is a better place now that Osama bin Laden is no longer with us. But does it
mean the end of terrorism? Of course it does not. Other such fanatics will come out of the
woodwork, they are already coming out of the woodwork, already planning new attacks.
The way to tackle it is concerted unified international action of all like-minded countries.
This is a battle that we cannot afford to lose.


Q: US President Barack Obama's speeches on the West Asia peace process have not
gone down well with the Israeli government. How do you see the Israel-Palestine peace
process going forward?

A: This relationship is rock-solid. There is no rift. There are differences of opinion, which
are natural; there are differences of opinion between friends and even inside a family.
That is a normal process; so one should be careful not to over-dramatise it. If someone
is trying to find fissures (between the United States and Israel), it will be very hard to find
them, but that is not to suggest that we agree on everything. But, yes, we are at a
crossroads. We do believe strongly in Israel that we urgently need to get back to the
negotiating table. There is no point in putting preconditions down because if we all start
doing that, then we are predetermining the outcome of the negotiations before they
actually have taken off in any seriousness. So we really have a great deal of difficulty in
understanding in all honesty why all of a sudden the Palestinian Authority has placed
this condition or that condition. Second, this agreement between the Palestinian Authority
and Hamas is something that places us backwards. Hamas, in a way, is West Asia’s Al
Qaeda. It is an extremist organisation dedicated to the eradication of the State of Israel
and is anti-Semitic by its own charter and it has not moved one iota from the demands of
the international community that it accept Israel’s existence, that it accept previous
agreements reached between Israelis and Palestinians, and stop massacring people. I
must stress that these are not conditions placed by Israel; these are placed by the
Quartet, by the international community, on Hamas, and they have not met them. We do
see in Mahmoud Abbas a serious and pragmatic partner, we do see in the PLO
(Palestinian Liberation Organisation) an institution with which we can achieve peace, but
we do not at this stage at all (visualise) the Hamas entering into that arena.


Q: How does Israel view the Palestinians' move to seek a vote in the United Nations
recognising Palestine as a sovereign country?

A: We, of course, disagree with it entirely. We don’t have dozens of countries that will
support us. A former foreign minister of Israel, Abba Eban, has said that if Israel were to
propose in the UN that the world was round, the UN will vote that it was flat. Anything
[that is done] in the UN is a priori geared against Israel. We believe the way for the
establishment of a Palestinian state should be through negotiations between Israelis
and Palestinians, that is the way to move forward. Actually we are not that far apart: we
both agree on a two-state solution. But, of course, the devil is in the details. A lot of
discussion is necessary, and it is not going to be easy, but scoring points is not going to
move forward any type of peace process in West Asia.


Q: How do you see the emergence of representative governments following the popular
uprisings in Israel's neighbourhood?

A: I think a moving away from authoritarian leadership towards democracy is almost
automatically positive. It cannot be negative when people are able to find an expression
of their views and freedoms that were denied to them. This has to be positive and I think
there will be positive spinoffs as well.


Q: The US and the European Union have imposed further sanctions on Iran. How would
you describe the current thinking in Israel on Iran?

A: There is a difference between the people of Iran and the regime, and one must make
this distinction. It is so tragic that they have at the helm a leadership of hate, a regime
dedicated to the destruction of Israel, denying the Holocaust, striving for nuclear arms in
order to carry out the destruction of the world’s only Jewish country. Why should we sit
idly by when this is happening? And we won’t. The Jewish people have suffered
throughout history at attempts to annihilate. Our supposed annihilators have always
been annihilated. We will never lose in this struggle against those who would do us ill.
When we say never again after the Holocaust, we mean never again. And when (Iran
talks about) killing and murdering Israelis, it is something that we cannot of course take,
and watch idly as it does this.

Germany joins chorus of concern about Pakistan

New Delhi
27 May 2011

Germany added its voice Friday to the chorus of concern over Pakistan's
attitude towards terrorism by asking it to come clean on the extent of its links with
terrorist groups.

Talking to journalists ahead of Chancellor Angela Merkel's visit to India next week,
Germany's ambassador Thomas Matussek said there were worries about possible
collaboration of parts of Pakistan's security apparatus with terrorists.

In Islamabad, visiting US secretary of state Hillary Clinton asked Pakistan to take
decisive steps against terrorists operating from its soil. She said Osama bin Laden is
dead but Al Qaeda and its syndicate of terror remain a serious threat to world peace.

Mr Matussek said defence and security dialogue will be a part of what Germany calls
"inter-governmental consultations" with India. It will be the first of its kind with a non-
European country, with the exception of Israel.

The German ministers of foreign affairs, defence, transport, education, trade, and
environment, will join Ms Merkel in delegation-level talks and hold separate meetings
with their Indian counterparts.

Other bilateral issues such as trade, science and technology, vocational training, and
skills development, and regional and global issues such as Afghanistan, Libya, United
Nations security council (UNSC) reform, can be expected to be an integral part of the
discussions.

Germany and India are members of the Group of Four (G-4), along with Brazil and Japan,
which are jointly pushing for permanent UNSC seats.

External affairs minister SM Krishna was expected to participate in a conference on
Afghanistan to be held in Bonn on December 5.

Mr Matussek said the weakening of Al Qaeda after Osama bin Laden's death and the
reinforced political process provided a realistic chance for the international efforts in
Afghanistan to succeed.