Showing posts with label foreign secretary. Show all posts
Showing posts with label foreign secretary. Show all posts

Mamata, Karunanidhi effect: MEA sees red as states veto foreign policy


A view of Raisina Hill, which houses the South Block (on the left)
Pix Courtesy Ministry of External Affairs website


HYDERABAD
20 MARCH 2012

The protestations from Tamil Nadu chief minister J Jayalalithaa and her rival and DMK
patriarch M Karunanidhi over India's vote on Sri Lanka later this week, coming as they
do months after West Bengal chief minister Mamata Banerjee vetoed an agreement on
the sharing of the Teesta river waters with Bangladesh, has further fuelled anxiety in
South Block, which also houses the ministry of external affairs (MEA.)

The precedent being set by the Centre caving in or succumbing to the States on matters
that fall in the domain of foreign policy is worrying for India, and more so for the
practitioners of diplomacy in the MEA.

Already, India's engagement of Pakistan on one hand and China and Burma on the other
are determined to an extent by the domestic conditions prevalent in Jammu and Kashmir
and the north-eastern states, respectively.

Prime Minister Manmohan Singh betrayed his frustration when he said in the Lok Sabha
that difficult decisions were getting more difficult because of coalition compulsions. He
called for bipartisanship in the interest of the country.

However, not everybody is pessimistic. Lalit Mansingh, a former foreign secretary and a
former ambassador to the US, echoes the sentiments of many who believe that this trend
should not be unwelcome.

DMK patriarch M Karunanidhi and West Bengal chief minister Mamata Banerjee

"Foreign policy today is made not only in New Delhi but elsewhere, too. There are
multiple stakeholders and one can't deny states a say in foreign policy if it relates to
them," Mr Mansingh told this newspaper. So, if the states assert their rights and seek
more consultations, then the Centre must respect those sentiments, he notes.

Equally worrying for New Delhi would be the erosion in its standing in what it calls its
sphere of influence. The ongoing debate over which way India should vote on a UNHRC
resolution on Sri Lanka is instructive in that it illustrates how far India has come from
being an influential player in its own backyard to a marginal or fringe player.

Irrespective of whether India joins the US, France, Norway and others in voting for the
resolution as Prime Minister Manmohan Singh indicated in the Lok Sabha, or abstains,
which is not ruled out if the resolution is not worded to its satisfaction, the non-binding
resolution is most likely to fall through.

Colombo is sanguine about the outcome of the March 23 vote in Geneva. It believes it
has the numbers required to defeat the resolution. China, Russia, Pakistan, Cuba,
Indonesia, Thailand and others from the Asian and the African regional groups in the 47-
member UNHRC have indicated that they would oppose it.

If that is a probability, then is it advisable for New Delhi to vote for the resolution and
risk losing whatever goodwill and leverage it might have with Colombo? At the same
time optimists take the view that Colombo would be helping itself, and India, by agreeing
to some concessions on the language of the draft resolution and by putting forward a
roadmap for a political solution of the ethnic conflict.

India's poser to US: If you won't dump Pakistan, why should we jettison Iran?

Hyderabad
18 March 2012

As India negotiates the diplomatic minefield that is West Asia, questions are being asked of the government as to whether and how it could engage differently with Iran, Israel and Saudi Arabia, without having to taking sides or pick and choose one over the other.

New Delhi would have you believe that the overlapping tensions in West Asia, manifested in the Israel-Iran stand-off over the latter's nuclear ambitions, the proxy war being played out in Syria between a Shiite Iran and the Sunni-bloc led by Saudi Arabia, or more generally the competition between Saudi Arabia and Iran for supremacy, constrict India's options.

In an example of some nimble Indian diplomacy, the government despatched external affairs minister SM Krishna to Israel and defence minister AK Antony to Saudi Arabia in order to offset any adverse fallout from Prime Minister Manmohan Singh's proposed visit to Iran later this year. However, the same government chose in its wisdom to support a UNSC resolution against Syria.

While there is merit in New Delhi's argument, an influential section of the Indian diplomatic community contends that the ongoing investigation into the attack on an Israeli envoy in New Delhi or the threat of US sanctions on Indian entities post-June 28 for not reducing oil imports from Iran should not deter the government from pursuing what it deems is in its enlightened national interest.

"The US not only does not choose between India and Pakistan but actually assists our adversary in many ways, so why should we forego our limited relationship with Iran for the sake of the US?" wondered Kanwal Sibal, a former foreign secretary.

"Do Iran and Saudi Arabia choose between us and Pakistan? If at all they have been historically closer to Pakistan than to us. If Iran's statements on Israel and the Holocaust are objectionable, the Wahabi ideology emanating from Saudi Arabia is objectionable too. We should safeguard our energy relationship with Iran as best as we can despite US and EU sanctions and the Arab position," Mr Sibal told this newspaper.

Increasingly, diplomats who have observed or served in the region insist that India's relationship with Iran should stand on its own feet and not linked to its relations with Saudi Arabia. They maintain that whatever the differences between Iran and Saudi Arabia, and the Shia-Sunni conflict that is building up, India does not need to take sides or feel compelled to choose.

They cautioned against a repeat of 2005 when New Delhi jettisoned its ties with Tehran in its narrow pursuit of the India-US nuclear deal. While some claim that Iran's rise as a regional power is inevitable, others cite the significance of Iran as land bridge to Afghanistan and beyond as a case in point.

From The Asian Age, New Delhi, edition

Protocol least of India's worries, open to hosting Hina Rabbani Khar for talks with SM Krishna in July


Hina Rabbani Khar
* 34-year-old young politician
* went to the University of Massachusetts
* loves trekking

Somanahalli Mallaiah Krishna
* 79-year-old veteran politician
* went to Southern Methodist University and George Washington Univ. Law School
* loves tennis



New Delhi
19 June 2011

India would not mind setting aside protocol to host Hina Rabbani Khar, the 34-year-old minister of state for foreign affairs of Pakistan, for talks with external affairs minister SM Krishna (79) in July.

Ms Khar assumed the position on February 1 this year and she has been heading the foreign ministry from February 13 onwards, two days after Shah Mehmood Qureshi was dropped as Pakistan's foreign minister.

A government source recalled that India had deputed Khurshed Alam Khan, a minister of state of external affairs, to travel to Islamabad in 1986 for talks with Sahabzada Yaqub Khan, the then foreign minister of Pakistan.

However, if certain Pakistani media reports are anything to go by, Ms Khar could be elevated to Cabinet rank in the coming weeks. In contrast, ironically, is the speculation in a section of the Indian media about whether Mr Krishna would retain the portfolio after Prime Minister Manmohan Singh reshuffles his Cabinet soon.

Meanwhile, New Delhi has iterated that it will be seeking a satisfactory closure of the November 26, 2008 terrorist attacks in Mumbai when foreign secretary Nirupama Rao travels to Islamabad for talks with her Pakistani counterpart on June 23 and 24.

It described the foreign secretaries' talks as a process, not an event in itself, and as a means to reduce the trust deficit ahead of an eventual resolution of the outstanding issues dogging the two nations.

The cabinet committee on security met on Thursday to approve the scope and agenda of Ms Rao's meeting in Islamabad. Similarly, the Pakistani government is expected to firm up its agenda for the talks on Monday.

The foreign secretaries will discuss, among other issues, peace and security, including confidence building measures; Jammu and Kashmir; and promotion of friendly exchanges.

New Delhi has indicated that the talks would cover all issues of mutual concern and that Ms Rao can be expected to raise issues, including, but not limited to, the continuing threat posed by terrorism.

The Indian assertion came the day after the Pakistani foreign ministry's spokeswoman said that terrorism would not be a part of the agenda because matters relating to terrorism had already been discussed by the home secretaries.

India voices reservation on NSG move to deny transfer of enrichment and reprocessing (ENR) technologies


New Delhi
19 June 2011

India has voiced deep reservations about a move by the Nuclear Suppliers Group (NSG) to withhold the transfer of enrichment and reprocessing technology (or ENR) to non-NPT signatories such as India. New Delhi has contended that doing so would dilute the import or the message of the exemption granted to India in September 2008.

Foreign secretary Nirupama Rao was understood to have discussed this, and other matters, with Ellen Tauscher, United States under secretary of state for arms control and international security affairs in Vienna last week. Ms Rao also met Yukiya Amano, the director-general of International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA).

A government source said that India's quest for the membership of multilateral export control organisations or regimes, such as the NSG, the Australia Group (to prevent the spread of chemical and biological weapons), the Wassenaar Arrangement (for dual-use goods and technologies), and the Missile Technology Control Regime (MTCR), figured in those discussions.

India and the US do not agree on everything, the source pointed out, indicating that certain issues required further negotiations. Simultaneously, India was reaching out to the other NSG members, including the NSG Troika comprising New Zealand, Hungary and the Netherlands.

Meanwhile, New Delhi has urged the international community to jointly combat piracy in the Indian Ocean region. At least 550 persons, including 39 Indian nationals, were still being held hostage by Somali pirates. There have been 165 incidents, including 45 hijackings, this year.

It maintained that it could not provide security to every single sailor or pay ransom to secure their release. "If we pay ransom for one, then all Indian soldiers will become sitting ducks for pirates as they will know that government will pay," a source said.

'26/11 was the low point of my stay in India'

The battle against terrorism will require concerted international action of all likeminded
countries as it is a battle that we cannot afford to lose, says MARK SOFER, Israel's
outgoing ambassador in New Delhi, as he prepares to leave India soon after spending
four years here. In an interview to RAMESH RAMACHANDRAN, he talks of how the
"dynamic" relationship between the two countries "is now going places". Excerpts:

Q: How would you describe the Israel-India relations today, and what are some of the
high and low points of your tenure?

A: It is a relationship in motion, which started before I came of course, but clearly, it has
an enormous dynamic of its own. If you look at the basic facts and figures, the bilateral
civilian trade has reached $5 billion. We are working on a Free Trade Agreement (FTA).
Next year will be the 20th anniversary of the establishment of India-Israel relations, and,
hopefully around that time we will be able to conclude the (FTA) negotiations. Some
experts estimate that bilateral civilian trade will triple in the next three or four years, so
we are talking $15 billion worth of civilian trade. And the trade is finely balanced in terms
of imports and exports, and it will include such things as investment, services, and
goods. In agriculture, a centre of excellence is already up and running in Karnal,
Haryana; a second centre will open in Sirsa, also in Haryana; and a third probably will
be in Nagpur in Maharashtra. We are also looking at Tamil Nadu. I mean - the sky is
the limit. And, now we are embarking on a new negotiation process for an MoU
(memorandum of understanding) in dairy farming, etc.

So, basically, in every field of human endeavour, this relationship is in a dynamic mode.
It didn’t start with me and it won’t end with me; I am just in the middle of it. So this is a
relationship that is going places. One of the real high points in my four years here has
been the opening of the agricultural centre in Haryana. A vast population of India is
dependent on farming. At the end of the day, embassies and countries interact to better
the lives of their peoples, and if we can cooperate on the main issue which faces the
Indian economy and social world, which is agriculture of course, this gives me the
greatest pleasure. There is nothing more inspiring or heart-warming than seeing farmers
from far and wide coming to look at Israeli technologies and incorporating them into their
own smallholdings. We all like to deal with geostrategic issues, but, sometimes, it is
these things, the nitty-gritty, that make a term of duty the beauty that it is.

If you ask me, it has been the most wonderful four years of my life working with the
Indian government and people on not just issues related to West Asia but related to the
welfare of people, such as water, alternative energy, agriculture, technology and
industry. I think that there is no doubt in my mind that the low point of my stay here was
the Mumbai attacks; of that there is no doubt. Our prayers are with the families of those
Indians that were killed, but the Jewish people also were specifically targeted in that
atrocity.


Q: How will the killing of Osama bin Laden affect the war on terrorism in general, and the
situation in West Asia in particular?

A: The world is a better place now that Osama bin Laden is no longer with us. But does it
mean the end of terrorism? Of course it does not. Other such fanatics will come out of the
woodwork, they are already coming out of the woodwork, already planning new attacks.
The way to tackle it is concerted unified international action of all like-minded countries.
This is a battle that we cannot afford to lose.


Q: US President Barack Obama's speeches on the West Asia peace process have not
gone down well with the Israeli government. How do you see the Israel-Palestine peace
process going forward?

A: This relationship is rock-solid. There is no rift. There are differences of opinion, which
are natural; there are differences of opinion between friends and even inside a family.
That is a normal process; so one should be careful not to over-dramatise it. If someone
is trying to find fissures (between the United States and Israel), it will be very hard to find
them, but that is not to suggest that we agree on everything. But, yes, we are at a
crossroads. We do believe strongly in Israel that we urgently need to get back to the
negotiating table. There is no point in putting preconditions down because if we all start
doing that, then we are predetermining the outcome of the negotiations before they
actually have taken off in any seriousness. So we really have a great deal of difficulty in
understanding in all honesty why all of a sudden the Palestinian Authority has placed
this condition or that condition. Second, this agreement between the Palestinian Authority
and Hamas is something that places us backwards. Hamas, in a way, is West Asia’s Al
Qaeda. It is an extremist organisation dedicated to the eradication of the State of Israel
and is anti-Semitic by its own charter and it has not moved one iota from the demands of
the international community that it accept Israel’s existence, that it accept previous
agreements reached between Israelis and Palestinians, and stop massacring people. I
must stress that these are not conditions placed by Israel; these are placed by the
Quartet, by the international community, on Hamas, and they have not met them. We do
see in Mahmoud Abbas a serious and pragmatic partner, we do see in the PLO
(Palestinian Liberation Organisation) an institution with which we can achieve peace, but
we do not at this stage at all (visualise) the Hamas entering into that arena.


Q: How does Israel view the Palestinians' move to seek a vote in the United Nations
recognising Palestine as a sovereign country?

A: We, of course, disagree with it entirely. We don’t have dozens of countries that will
support us. A former foreign minister of Israel, Abba Eban, has said that if Israel were to
propose in the UN that the world was round, the UN will vote that it was flat. Anything
[that is done] in the UN is a priori geared against Israel. We believe the way for the
establishment of a Palestinian state should be through negotiations between Israelis
and Palestinians, that is the way to move forward. Actually we are not that far apart: we
both agree on a two-state solution. But, of course, the devil is in the details. A lot of
discussion is necessary, and it is not going to be easy, but scoring points is not going to
move forward any type of peace process in West Asia.


Q: How do you see the emergence of representative governments following the popular
uprisings in Israel's neighbourhood?

A: I think a moving away from authoritarian leadership towards democracy is almost
automatically positive. It cannot be negative when people are able to find an expression
of their views and freedoms that were denied to them. This has to be positive and I think
there will be positive spinoffs as well.


Q: The US and the European Union have imposed further sanctions on Iran. How would
you describe the current thinking in Israel on Iran?

A: There is a difference between the people of Iran and the regime, and one must make
this distinction. It is so tragic that they have at the helm a leadership of hate, a regime
dedicated to the destruction of Israel, denying the Holocaust, striving for nuclear arms in
order to carry out the destruction of the world’s only Jewish country. Why should we sit
idly by when this is happening? And we won’t. The Jewish people have suffered
throughout history at attempts to annihilate. Our supposed annihilators have always
been annihilated. We will never lose in this struggle against those who would do us ill.
When we say never again after the Holocaust, we mean never again. And when (Iran
talks about) killing and murdering Israelis, it is something that we cannot of course take,
and watch idly as it does this.